Crime Information Management and Analysis Centre (CIMAC) commander Warrant Officer Marumo Magane has maintained his innocence, claiming he was “blind-spotted” into participating in the controversial 2021 Aeroton cocaine theft operation.

Concluding his testimony before the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry on Tuesday afternoon, Magane said he became involved in the operation after Gauteng Traffic Deputy Director Simon Mashaba contacted him for assistance in tracking a truck allegedly transporting narcotics.

“I was blind-spotted into this thing. I innocently went there believing that I was doing the right thing based on the little knowledge that I had. I had no intention of taking the drugs. If I had anticipated that the situation would unfold this way, I would have handled it differently and much better,” Magane told the commission.

Magane, attached to SAPS Zonkizizwe Police Station in Katlehong, testified about the recovery of 715kg of cocaine in Aeroton, south of Johannesburg.

The commission heard that a portion of the seized drugs later disappeared and that the initial handling of the crime scene was compromised.

Magane alleged that Gauteng Crime Intelligence head Major-General Feroz Khan disrupted aspects of the operation after arriving at the scene.

According to Magane, Khan prevented a K-9 unit from searching a warehouse linked to the Aeroton bust.

He testified that tensions escalated following Khan’s arrival, with arguments breaking out between Khan and Mashaba.

Magane further claimed that he and Mashaba were labelled “Tsotsi police” during the confrontation.

The commission previously heard allegations that Khan disarmed Mashaba and ordered parts of the operation to be halted shortly after arriving at the warehouse.

Magane also detailed the aftermath of the operation, saying he, Warrant Officer Steve Phakula, Mashaba, and informant and Transnet employee Itumeleng Nku were arrested and detained for nearly two weeks after the bust, spending 13 days in custody.

He alleged that while they were being held at Booysens police station, they were informed that Gauteng Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DCPI) head Major-General Ebrahim Kadwa had instructed that they should not receive food, water or visitors.

Magane said they remained in custody from the weekend of 9 July 2021 until they were granted bail on 21 July following a formal bail application.

The commission also heard that during the bail proceedings, the presiding magistrate questioned investigators on whether the seized cocaine had been properly weighed.

According to Magane’s statement, Captain Ngwako Sebola was unable to explain what method had been used to determine the quantity of drugs seized.

Proceedings adjourned for the day, with the next witness expected to testify on Wednesday morning.

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Retired Hawks Serious Organised Crime unit head Lieutenant-Colonel Jakobus Prinsloo told the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry on Thursday that senior Hawks leadership failed to act after an attempted break-in at the Port Shepstone offices weeks before the theft of 541kg of cocaine.

Completing his testimony before the commission, Prinsloo said the attempted burglary occurred in late October 2021 when intruders tried to gain access through the kitchen side of the office, leaving behind a broken window.

Prinsloo said he immediately investigated the incident, compiled a factual report and informed his direct superior at the time, Brigadier Campbell Nyuswa.

“I had called him to inform him about the incident. He seemed unfazed. No steps were taken by the provincial office to enhance security even after this attempted break-in happened,” Prinsloo testified.

According to Prinsloo, the attempted burglary should have raised serious concerns, particularly because more than half a ton of cocaine had remained stored inside the office strong room for months after being brought there in June 2021.

The commission heard that despite national instructions requiring drug exhibits to be transferred to forensic laboratories, the cocaine remained at the Port Shepstone office under what Prinsloo described as inadequate security conditions.

“Even after the exhibits were stored at the office, security did not improve. One would have thought the provincial office would have taken serious steps to ensure the security of the office,” he said.

The inquiry also heard that days before the theft, Lieutenant-Colonel Gavin Jacob from Durban Serious Organised Crime Investigations contacted Prinsloo to arrange another weighing of the cocaine exhibits.

Prinsloo said the weighing did not take place because he had to attend a workshop.

He told the commission that on the morning of 8 November 2021, he arrived at the office shortly after 06:00 and initially noticed nothing unusual.

Moments later, Warrant Officer BJ Pienaar contacted him and said they “had a big problem”, asking him to come to his office.

“As I was walking down, I could smell a peculiar scent which you would normally have when metal was grinded with a grinder,” Prinsloo said.

He testified that he found the office ransacked and the strong room breached.

“I saw that the office was thrashed. I also noticed that the safe door was halfway opened and the blue chair which was inside the safe was outside, and that the locks were grinded off. The passage was covered in dark powdery substance. I walked to the safe and saw that all the exhibits were taken,” he said.

Prinsloo said he immediately contacted Brigadier Nyuswa, while officers from the Local Criminal Record Centre and Visible Policing units were called to process the scene.

The commission also heard details of the internal fallout after the theft, including extensive polygraph testing of Hawks members stationed in Port Shepstone.

Prinsloo said he was summoned to the office of KwaZulu-Natal Hawks head Major-General Lesetja Senona, where he was interviewed by Deputy National Commissioner for Policing Lieutenant-General Tebello Mosikili.

“They interviewed me about the break-in and that interview lasted about an hour and a half. I did tell Lieutenant-General Mosikili that the alarm was not serviced and was not linked to a security company. She was very shocked and made notes,” he said.

“Subsequently, there were follow-up internal investigations. All the members at the office were called for polygraph testing. We all underwent the test,” he added.

Prinsloo said ordinary members underwent three-hour examinations, while his own polygraph test lasted six hours.

“I was treated as a suspect, but I did pass my test nonetheless,” he said.

Commission chairperson Mbuyiseli Madlanga asked Prinsloo whether officers involved in transporting and delivering the cocaine to Port Shepstone had also undergone polygraph testing.

“Commissioner, that was never communicated to us. What was communicated to me was that I got a letter with everybody from Port Shepstone’s names on it and the dates they had to report for the polygraph testing,” Prinsloo replied.

Prinsloo also told the commission that Hawks officials themselves remained his primary suspects in the theft.

“If I were to draw up a list of suspects as to who stole this cocaine, members of the DPCI would be number one on my list. I do not discount the possibility that other people outside of the DPCI, possibly even outside of SAPS, could have been informed by the DPCI or SAPS that the cocaine was stored in Port Shepstone. But number one for me would be members of the DPCI,” he said.

Proceedings adjourned for the day, with a new witness expected to testify on Friday morning.

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The head of the Hawks’ Serious Organised Crime Investigation unit, Major General Hendrik Flynn, has implicated KwaZulu-Natal provincial head Major General Lesetja Senona, saying he directly contributed to the disappearance of 541kg of cocaine from Hawks offices in Port Shepstone.

Concluding his testimony before the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry on Wednesday, Flynn stressed that this was not a mere oversight by Senona, but raised serious concerns about the provincial head’s conduct

“He played an active role in the Port Shepstone matter, it’s not as if as if he was just the provincial head sitting at the distance. He was privy to the activities,” Flynn said.

“He visited the Port Shepstone offices shortly after the seizure and took possession of the key. That’s active participation. It is it’s not as if he was at the distance and that he was not related to this matter.”

The 27 bags of cocaine, seized in June 2021 from a shipping container at a depot and initially booked at Isipingo police station, were later moved to the ‘strong room’ of Hawks offices in Port Shepstone, where they were stolen in November of that year.

Flynn set out the strict regulatory framework governing the handling of exhibits, before contrasting it with what he described as widespread non-compliance in this case.

“All property and exhibits seized must be entered in the SAPS 13 Register of the relevant police station where the crime was committed or where the property was found and then transferred to the relevant unit and entered in the SAPS 13 of the relevant unit,” Flynn said.

He stressed that exhibits must be securely stored and tracked at every stage, but testified that none of these safeguards were properly followed in the handling of the cocaine consignment, valued between R200 and R250 million.

“There was no compliance in the transfer of the drugs, and I have never seen transfer documents,” he said, referring specifically to the absence of a required SAP 13 Sub-G form documenting the movement of exhibits.

Flynn told the commission that the register at Isipingo police station failed to properly capture the seized drugs.

Instead of detailed entries, including seal numbers and individual descriptions, the entire consignment was recorded as a single line item, with no container or additional information.

He described the documentation process as fundamentally flawed, characterising parts of it as a “paper exercise” designed merely to generate reference numbers rather than accurately track evidence.

“It’s clear it was just an entry to have a reference number from exhibits, this was just a paper exercise performed,” Flynn said.

The component head alleged that warrant officer Livingstone Mpangase, supposedly assigned by Senona to investigate the case, made false entries, including falsely recording that samples of the cocaine had been sent for forensic analysis.

A similar issue arose in the Port Shepstone register, where entries suggested that the exhibits had been formally received and processed, despite remaining physically stored in a strong room at the DPCI offices.

Flynn said the irregularities extended beyond documentation to the physical handling and storage of the drugs.

The room itself, he testified, was unsuitable for storing such a large consignment, citing at least seven prior break-ins at the premises before the 2021 theft.

Despite these security risks, including an attempted break-in just weeks before the cocaine was stolen, no additional protective measures were implemented, nor were the drugs moved to a safer location.

Flynn also cast doubt on whether there was ever any intention to properly process the seized substances through the forensic system.

“There is no report confirming that the consignment was formally verified as cocaine,” he said.

He strongly agreed with concerns raised by the commission that the exhibits may never have been intended for submission to the SAPS Forensic Science Laboratory (FSL) in Silverton, Tshwane.

“In my view there was no intention for the substances to ever reach the FSL for proper testing and confirmation,” Flynn testified.

He said the crime scene management failings compromised the integrity of the investigation, warning that such lapses ultimately undermine efforts to combat organised crime.

In his closing remarks, Flynn highlighted the systemic challenges of tackling drug trafficking networks.

“The persistence of drug trafficking at an organised crime level is often facilitated by the complexity of modern supply chains and involvement of officials who exploit positions of trust within logistics, border control, law enforcement or commercial processes. Trafficking networks or syndicates are deliberately structured which makes detection more difficult,” he said.

Chairperson Mbuyiseli Madlanga, in the commission’s final questions, asked Flynn whether Senona should have been subjected to a polygraph test after the theft in late 2021.

“The facts here are that General Senona was involved in the decision to take the cocaine to Port Shepstone and in the end he kept the key. I’m just trying to establish in my own mind whether he ought not to have been subjected to a polygraph test. I’m asking this in the context of the fact that there were polygraph tests here and I assume that everybody who was involved in all of this saga was subjected to such tests, but he was not,” Madlanga said.

Flynn agreed with the commission, stressing that Senona had taken an active part in the moving of the drugs, yet was not subjected to any disciplinary hearings or investigations, to his knowledge.

“In my opinion Commissioner, indeed, he was supposed to be exposed to the process [polygraph] as he played an active role in the Port Shepstone matter,” Flynn said.

Proceedings adjourned for the day, with retired DPCI unit head of Port Shepstone, Lieutenant-Colonel JPP Prinsloo, expected to appear before the commission on Thursday morning.

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Suspended Tshwane Metro Police Department (TMPD) Road Policing Major Lebogang Phiri has denied allegations that he facilitated security tenders worth at least R59 million with security company Gubis85 Solutions without authority, claiming that he acted strictly on instructions from above.

Appearing before the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry on Thursday, Phiri said he did not manipulate deployments, that he acted under instructions from suspended Asset Protection Security Services head Tshukudu Malatji, and that the Water and Sanitation department had already selected Gubis for the job.

“I have been made aware of inferences suggesting that I may have favoured Gubis85 or received incentives for channeling work to them. I categorically deny these allegations. I executed my duties strictly pursuant to instruction from Director Malatji and the explicit directives of the Water and Sanitation department, without any improper motive or corrupt relationship,” Phiri said.

Phiri said the decision to utilise Gubis originated from officials within the Water and Sanitation department, who he claimed had already been working with the company before his involvement.

“I must state unequivocally that the company was chosen by the management of the water and sanitation department, not by me. The Water and Sanitation department specifically mandated the use of Gubis 85 Solutions, citing that they were already utilising this provider’s services,” he stated.

He said the company’s deployment by him was effectively a rubber stamp, since the company was already providing services to the department.

“Gubis85 personnel were essentially already working and deployed to sites prior to me issuing the official deployment letter. As the paying end-user, the department dictated their preferred service provider, and my mandate was strictly limited to facilitating the base of their operational instruction,” Phiri said.

Phiri described his role as largely administrative and reactive, positioning himself as a conduit between departments facing security crises and the service providers already identified by those departments.

“My designated role was akin to security coordinator for municipal departments experiencing security vulnerabilities. The established procedure was that when a user department required security assistance, Director Malatji would provide me with an instruction to timeously facilitate the necessary deployment,” he said.

Phiri also pushed back against suggestions that he acted recklessly in deploying guards, telling the commission he had initially resisted pressure to roll out security at vandalised pump stations in December 2024.

He said that during a January 2025 meeting with Malatji and Water and Sanitation officials, he stood firm on the need for proper site inspections before authorising deployments.

Phiri claimed he reiterated that he could not authorise deployments without conducting physical site inspections, noting that complaints had been raised that delays had cost the city millions in further damage to infrastructure.

According to Phiri, his eventual approval of deployments only came after inspections were completed.

“It was only after satisfying myself that these infrastructure sites existed and had been verified that I signed off on approximately the first batch deployment notices on 14 January 2025,” he said.

Phiri further distanced himself from the financial aspects of the contracts, stating that procurement processes, including purchase orders, fell outside his responsibilities.

“I am not responsible for generation or creation for purchase orders, that is the sole responsibility of the Water and Sanitation department or TMPD finance division,” he said.

Phiri’s claims stand in stark contrast to what Malatji himself testified to the commission a few weeks ago.

“I have not delegated powers of allocation to anyone in respect of sites to be guarded by the service providers rendering services under TMPD 02 2016/17,” Malatji previously said.

When questioned on it, Phiri described Malatji’s testimony as “incorrect and malicious”, maintaining that it was “impossible” that he acted without instruction.

But former ‘caretaker’ of the asset protection unit, Deputy Commissioner George Bolhuis, similarly told the commission that Phiri had no authority to deploy.

“As the caretaker, I never allocated these sites to Gubis 85 Solutions, nor did I instruct Inspector Phiri to do so, nor did I give him permission or the delegated authority,” Bolhuis said.

Evidence before the commission indicates that around 40 sites were allocated to Gubis85 Solutions, with purchase orders processed through official TMPD systems.

Deputy Commissioner Revo Spies previously testified that R59 million was paid to Gubis for ad hoc services rendered between July 2024 and June 2025 alone.

He alleged that suspended Tshwane CFO Gareth Mnisi and Deputy Commissioner Umashi Dlamini communicated with each other by sending messages through suspended Organised Crime Sergeant Fannie Nkosi for the creation of purchase orders for ad hoc services.

The commission continues.

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Suspended Ekurhuleni Metro Police Department (EMPD) Deputy Police Chief Julius Mkhwanazi has told the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry that he had no authority to approve the fitting of blue lights on private vehicles, despite being confronted with audio evidence showing a request from Medicare24 CEO Mike van Wyk to do exactly that.

Leading his testimony on Thursday afternoon, the commission played a voice note in which Van Wyk asks Mkhwanazi whether he could install blue and red lights, as well as EMPD markings, on his personal bakkie.

“I bought myself a new bakkie…Would I be able to put blue and red lights in? I don’t want to drive off something and then I get arrested for impersonating a police officer. Can we put EMPD at the back of the bakkie? Will you find out for me please?” Van Wyk said in the recording.

Mkhwanazi confirmed the message had been sent to his phone, but claimed he could not recall whether he had responded or what advice he gave.

He said that blue and red lights are reserved for emergency services and not private individuals.

However, evidence leader advocate Mahlape Sello pointed to a draft memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the EMPD and Medicare24, which included a provision that the metro police would “assist in registration of vehicles and permit use of blue and red lights to respond on behalf of EMPD”.

Commissioner Sesi Baloyi challenged Mkhwanazi directly, accusing him of being evasive, and said that he had been involved in drafting an MOU that allowed the use of blue lights by Van Wyk and his associate attempted-murder accused Vusimusi “Cat” Matlala.

“Can we just stop playing around here? You were involved with Mike van Wyk in preparing a memorandum. That memorandum makes provision for them to use blue lights. So, according to you, it was proper to have in the memorandum that they will be using blue lights. So, stop saying to us, no, the city doesn’t do that. Well, you did it. You had it in the memorandum,” Baloyi said.

Mkhwanazi disputed this, maintaining that no such agreement existed and that he did not have the legal authority to grant such permissions.

“If I were to do that, I would be sending myself to jail,” he said.

The commission also heard that Van Wyk had sent another audio message raising concerns that “the man who pays us” could be arrested for using blue lights.

Mkhwanazi denied knowledge of any such individual using emergency lighting unlawfully, suggesting instead that Van Wyk may have been trying to prompt him into discussing the issue.

“Maybe he thought I could do magic. In fact, he confirmed it in one of the interviews,” Mkhwanazi said.

Baloyi pushed back, arguing that the repeated references to blue lights in both the MOU and the audio messages indicated that Mkhwanazi had been engaged in discussions around their use.

Mkhwanazi responded that while the memorandum may have referenced blue and red lights in general terms, there was “nothing in writing about a car being fitted with blue lights”, reiterating that he lacked the authority to approve such installations.

The commission’s focus shifted to allegations that Mkhwanazi facilitated the issuing of “peace officer” appointment cards to private security personnel linked to Van Wyk, including those from Anubis Protection Services.

Mkhwanazi acknowledged that he had discussions with Van Wyk about appointment cards and a proposed system of “peace officers” drawn from private security.

He explained that the concept was modelled on a reservist-style system used in Cape Town, where civilians could be trained and issued with limited law enforcement powers.

According to Mkhwanazi, these peace officers would primarily assist with by-law enforcement and traffic-related functions, operating under the supervision of EMPD structures.

Mkhwanazi said he assigned Ndumiso Gcwabe, EMPD head of Security and Laws Control, to speak to Van Wyk regarding the peace officer cards.

However, evidence leader Sello highlighted that under the Criminal Procedure Act, only the Minister has the authority to designate individuals as peace officers, and such status carries significant powers, including arrest without a warrant and conducting searches and seizures.

Mkhwanazi acknowledged these legal provisions but insisted that his understanding of “peace officers” in this context was more limited and operational in nature.

He said that the initiative was intended to support policing efforts during strained operational periods, including the Covid-19 pandemic.

The commission also heard that Van Wyk had expressed concern in a voice note that, although he and Matlala had been issued appointment cards, they could face legal problems if they were not formally registered within EMPD systems.

Despite repeated questioning, Mkhwanazi maintained that he had not authorised any unlawful activities and had acted within what he believed to be a collaborative framework aimed at bolstering policing capacity.

Commission chairperson Mbuyiseli Madlanga announced that Mkhwanazi would return to the commission at a still to be determined date in order to complete his testimony.

The commission adjourned, with newly suspended Tshwane CFO Gareth Mnisi expected in the hot seat tomorrow.

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The bail application of suspended SAPS Organised Crime Sergeant Fannie Nkosi has been postponed to next week after proceedings in the Pretoria North Magistrate’s Court were cut short on Monday afternoon.

Presiding magistrate Thandi Theledi ruled that the matter could not continue due to time constraints linked to prison transport arrangements, with the State indicating it would only be available to proceed next week.

“Your case is remanded until the 20th of April 2026 in this court. It is for us to continue with your formal bail application. You will be kept in custody until then,” Theledi ruled.

The postponement came despite objections from Nkosi’s lawyer, Siza Dlali, who argued the bail application was urgent as their client has already spent more than a week behind bars.

Earlier in the day, prosecution presented a detailed affidavit from the investigating officer, painting what they described as a serious and wide-ranging case against Nkosi.

The State told the court that Nkosi faces multiple Schedule 5 offences, including unlawful possession of explosives, firearms and ammunition, defeating the ends of justice, theft, and contraventions linked to organised crime.

“The seriousness of the allegations against him has a direct impact on public confidence in law enforcement. It is public knowledge that the applicant is deeply implicated in serious acts of criminality in the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry and the public outrage emanating therefrom cannot be overemphasised,” the state argued.

According to the affidavit, police conducted a search at Nkosi’s Pretoria North home on 2 April after he signed a consent form.

Officers allegedly uncovered firearms and ammunition stored in contravention of legal requirements, including an unmounted rifle safe and a firearm for which Nkosi could not produce a licence.

In addition, police claimed to have recovered 490 rounds of ammunition across various calibres, along with police-issued equipment allegedly not returned after Nkosi’s suspension.

“The applicant was given an opportunity to return all state property, yet he opted to retain some of the state property. Therefore, his conduct amounts to theft of state property,” the state argued.

The State also highlighted the discovery of more than R52,000 in cash at Nkosi’s home, adding that he had “failed to provide any satisfactory explanation regarding the origin of these substantial amounts of cash”.

Central to the prosecution’s opposition to bail were allegations that Nkosi interfered with criminal investigations.

Several police dockets, including original case files linked to hijackings and robberies involving British American Tobacco-related targets, were allegedly found in his possession.

Meanwhile, Dlali pushed back strongly against the State’s case, arguing that it was based on speculation and failed to meet the legal threshold required to deny bail.

“As a judicial officer, you owe the duty to justice, the court should not be influenced by any other issues that are outside of what this court has to determine,” Dlali told the court.

He emphasised that the central question was whether Nkosi would stand trial and disputed key elements of the State’s evidence, particularly regarding firearms and explosives.

“These firearms, it is not alleged, are unlawful firearms. My client has the permit to hold those firearms. The contention that it is unlawful to have seven firearms does not have merit,” Dlali said.

On the alleged stun grenade, he argued there were evidentiary gaps: “There is no picture of a hand grenade in all these pictures, there is no picture of the hand grenade”.

He also criticised the photographic evidence, arguing that there was no indication of the date or time that they were taken.

Dlali maintained that Nkosi posed no flight risk, pointing to his personal circumstances, and further rejected claims that Nkosi could interfere with witnesses or investigations, noting his suspension from SAPS

As proceedings drew to a close, magistrate Theledi issued a separate ruling regarding Nkosi’s detention conditions.

Nkosi had been held in the hospital wing at the Kgosi Mampuru II Correctional Centre since his first appearance.

However, the magistrate ordered that he be transferred to the general prison population, following an attempt by his lawyer to use his diabetic medical condition and the threat of poisoning as a justification.

“Placement of a prisoner in a prison hospital wing is reserved for detainees who require medical treatment, observation or nursing care. It is not designed to function as a form of protective custody in the absence of any medical necessity,” Theledi ruled.

The case will resume next Monday, when the court is expected to hear the remainder of the defence’s submissions before deciding whether Nkosi should be released on bail.

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Tshwane Metro Police Department (TMPD) Chief Commissioner Yolande Faro has distanced her office from alleged procurement interference by suspended Gauteng Organised Crime Sergeant Unit Fannie Nkosi.

Appearing before the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry on Tuesday, Faro maintained that not only did Nkosi have no authority to become involved, she had no relationship with him at all.

“Sgt Fannie Nkosi had no right to interfere in any procurement related matters within the TMPD. He has no authority. He had no permission. I was not aware that he was busy interfering,” Faro said.

“I don’t know Sgt Fannie Nkosi. I never made contact with him. The first time I saw Sgt Fannie Nkosi was on the Madlanga Commission. So I want to state it categorically. He had no authority to interfere in any TMPD procurement related matters.”

Faro’s testimony came as the commission resumed public hearings following its Easter recess, picking up where it left off in investigating allegations of corruption within the tender processes of the TMPD.

Her appearance placed the spotlight squarely on the internal functioning of the TMPD and its procurement systems, amid claims that Nkosi acted as a “go-between” linking officials and external actors.

The commission previously heard how Nkosi had allegedly approached now-suspended TMPD deputy chief Umashi Dlamini to secure a tender for his brother Bheki Nkosi’s company.

The company, Ngaphesheya Security Services, was non-compliant on at least 12 independent grounds, including the absence of a valid PSIRA certificate, failure to meet required grading, and lack of firearm licences.

In her evidence, Faro repeatedly stressed that procurement processes within Tshwane are tightly regulated and fall outside the direct control of the TMPD.

She explained that while the department contributes technical specifications for bids, all evaluation, adjudication and payment functions are handled centrally through the city’s supply chain structures under the Chief Financial Officer (CFO).

She said TMPD does not have its own procurement department, adding that its role is limited to operational input and verification of services rendered.

Against this backdrop, Faro rejected any suggestion that Nkosi could have legitimately influenced procurement decisions within the department.

She maintained that such interference would have been entirely unauthorised and outside the formal chain of command.

Faro distanced both herself and the TMPD’s formal structures from any dealings involving Nkosi, insisting that any interference would have occurred without her knowledge or approval.

Faro outlined a three-stage procurement process: specification, evaluation and adjudication; each governed by separate committees and oversight mechanisms designed to ensure transparency and accountability.

Despite these controls, Faro told the commission of broader systemic vulnerabilities within municipal procurement environments, warning that corruption can exploit gaps where oversight is weak or processes are circumvented.

The commission heard that Faro had taken a firm stance against internal wrongdoing since assuming office in October 2023, including acting against senior officials implicated in misconduct.

While her testimony focused on institutional processes, she made clear that any individual found to be interfering improperly would face consequences.

“I do not take kindly to corruption at all, Commissioner. I do not want to see a TMPD officer that’s a criminal in uniform. That is not what I want to stand for. We are in charge of the capital city. We are supposed to be the signing star. So we do put measures in place, and we’re coming down harsh,” she said.

Faro said that she had never been approached by any political figure or external party to influence procurement decisions or appointments within the TMPD, further distancing her leadership from allegations of interference.

Meanwhile, Nkosi appeared in the Pretoria North Magistrate’s Court following his arrest for possessing stolen police dockets, unlicensed ammunition, and a hand grenade.

Nkosi’s bail application has been postponed to next week Monday, following the magistrate finding that the state required additional time to evaluate evidence and prepare.

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Gauteng Organised Crime SAPS Sergeant Fannie Nkosi has told the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry that the more than R385,000 in cash found in a safe at his home during a police raid in October last year mostly belonged to his brother Bheki Nkosi, and was intended for the purchase of a truck.

Testifying before the commission on Monday, and answering through his third interpreter, Nkosi doubled down on his claim that there was nothing untoward about the cash found, and that it was intended for the purchase, despite inconsistencies.

“R380,000 belonged to my brother and R5,000 was mine, the money was to be used to purchase a truck for him. I won’t go into details on the agreement of sale. I was not present when the sale of agreement was made between Mr Ngoato and my brother. But it appeared a payment would be made in due course. But it depended on trust between the two people,” Nkosi said.

The commission heard that the truck deal involved his brother, Bheki Nkosi, as the seller and attorney Hartley Ngoato, who also represents Nkosi, as the buyer.

The vehicle was allegedly sold in late 2025, with Nkosi claiming the agreed purchase price was R400,000, although documentation and the seller’s own version place it at R380,000.

The sale agreement reflects that Bheki Nkosi signed the document on 7 October 2025, while Ngoato only signed on 19 December 2025, days after Nkosi had already submitted an affidavit referring to the transaction.

Nkosi told the commission that payment for the truck was made on 7 December 2025, shortly before the police raid that uncovered the cash at his home.

Evidence leader advocate Matthew Chaskalson told the commission that Nkosi had referred to annexures in his affidavit that were meant to support the truck purchase, but “none were attached” at the time the statement was made.

He said the alleged sale agreement was only signed by Ngoato, on 19 December 2025, three days after Nkosi had already deposed to an affidavit on 16 December.

“The document didn’t exist when you made your affidavit,” Chaskalson said.

Nkosi disputed this version, maintaining that he had seen an unsigned version of the agreement before submitting his affidavit.

“The sale agreement document was there but not signed,” he said.

He agreed, however, that the annexures were only added later.

While Nkosi repeatedly insisted the vehicle was being sold for R400,000, both the alleged seller and his brother’s affidavit place the figure at R380,000.

Chaskalson pressed him on the discrepancy: “Your brother’s affidavit states R380,000, not R400,000.”

Nkosi responded that the difference related to an outstanding balance, that his brother was owed R20,000, a claim Chaskalson rejected, reiterating that the affidavit reflected a total purchase price of R380,000.

The commission also heard that Nkosi’s brother allegedly received payment for the truck on 7 December 2025, just one day before police raided Nkosi’s home and discovered the cash.

Chaskalson suggested the timing was suspicious and put it directly to Nkosi that the sale agreement had been “created to explain the source of the money”.

Questions were further raised about the nature of the transaction, particularly the use of cash, as well as the involvement of his attorney.

Commission chairperson Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga expressed concern that the circumstances should have raised alarm bells for a serving police officer.

“As a police officer, this points to money laundering. I’m not suggesting Mr. Ngoato is involved in money laundering,” Madlanga said.

Nkosi, however, maintained that he saw nothing unusual, and that both Ngoato and his brother were businessmen and he found nothing suspicious.

Commissioner Sandile Khumalo was more direct, suggesting the transaction appeared to be “contrived” and possibly fictitious.

“It appears this transaction is meant to cover up something bigger,” he said.

Nkosi rejected that assertion but conceded under questioning that none of the documentation explicitly stated that the purchase price had been paid in cash.

The commission also heard that despite the alleged payment, the truck was never taken by the buyer.

Nkosi said he did not know where the vehicle was at the time and confirmed that Ngoato “did not take the truck” after payment.

“That is why I say the transaction is made up, how is the truck not delivered?” Khumalo asked.

Nkosi maintained that the transaction was valid.

When asked why he did not submit a follow-up statement to authorities explaining the source of the cash after it was seized, Nkosi said he had been waiting for officials to revert to him.

Proceedings adjourned for the day, with a witness from the Tshwane Metropolitan Police Department expected before the commission on Tuesday morning.

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Chief evidence leader Matthew Chaskalson has accused North West businessman Sulieman Carrim of operating as an investing partner in a three-way enterprise with Hangwani Morgan Maumela and Vusimusi “Cat” Matlala, suggesting their financial dealings point to possible money laundering and mutual funding of each other’s interests.

Putting the allegation directly to Carrim at the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry on Tuesday, Chaskalson said the pattern of payments, shared communications and overlapping business interests indicated far more than an arm’s-length lending relationship.

“Maumela gets paid out of your payments from Mr Matlala. It effectively enabled you to support each other’s potentially unlawful conduct. All of these elements in my view cast doubt on the correctness of the truth of your version of the loan,” Chaskalson said.

This follow Carrim’s testimony revealed he advanced R500,000 to Maumela at Matlala’s request and later paid a further R250,000 after receiving R1 million from Medicare24, despite not being reimbursed for the first payment.

Financial flows formed a major focus of questioning, with Carrim admitting paying R750,000 to Maumela following Matlala’s requests.

“Matlala ‘forced’ and ‘insisted’ that I make the payment. I was afraid to not comply with the instructions,” he said.

He said Maumela told him the arrangement came from Matlala and that according to him, the payment will come from Carrim.

Loan payments to Matlala’s company, Medicare24, drew further scrutiny.

Carrim said he had approved a R10 million loan, but bank records showed payments totalling R12.12 million from his companies.

“I didn’t authorise these payments. When I woke up from my morning prayers, my attorney alerted me about this,” Carrim said.

He accepted that if funds left his accounts without approval, it amounted to “criminal misappropriation”.

Chaskalson said the arrangement appeared commercially irregular, adding that Carrim’s companies provided accounting support, held finance committee representation and agreed to forego loan rights, conduct “much more akin to a partnering investor than a lender”.

Carrim maintained he was telling the truth and denied meeting Mogotsi with Maumela after the tender, despite Mogotsi contacting the commission to claim otherwise.

Commission chair Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga pressed Carrim on why he proceeded despite finding the arrangement suspicious.

Carrim conceded that it may have been suspicious, but said he feared jeopardising further payments Matlala owed him.

Madlanga questioned why the money was not paid directly.

“According to him (Maumela), that was the instruction from Matlala,” Carrim said.

Chaskalson said the structure resembled conduit payments between the men, with Carrim disputing this but agreed he had transferred the funds.

The commission also examined Carrim’s funding of litigation by Brown Mogotsi’s foundation challenging a North West health tender.

Carrim said he supported the case to protect local businesses and denied involvement in the litigation.

However, Chaskalson pointed out that one of Maumela’s companies had been a losing bidder in the same tender.

Chaskalson said he found it difficult to believe, noting Carrim funded the interdict in August and September 2023 while simultaneously forming a R50 million chrome mining joint venture with Maumela and having purchased his house in 2022.

He asked Carrim about the flow of money and information suggested a coordinated enterprise, who firmly rejected the allegation.

When asked on WhatsApp exchanges showing Matlala repeatedly forwarding screenshots of his conversations with Carrim to Maumela, Carrim maintained no knowledge of the exchange.

“I have no idea. It’s the first time I’m seeing this. I don’t know why I would take my chats and pass them over to Mr Maumela,” he said.

Chaskalson highlighted messages from 18 March 2025 showing Matlala again sending screenshots to Maumela.

On the same day, Maumela sent visitor access codes for Zimbali Estate to Matlala, which was later forwarded to former police minister Bheki Cele, who used it to enter the estate.

Carrim denied knowledge of any meeting between Cele and Matlala, but evidence did show that he had scheduled a call with Matlala at noon that day.

“The planned call had nothing to do with Mr Cele,” Carrim said.

Proceedings adjourned for the day with Carrim expected to return on 16 April.

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ANC-linked North West businessman Suliman Carrim claims he advanced R500,000 to alleged looting kingpin Hangwani Morgan Maumela only after being approached by associate Vusimusi “Cat” Matlala, who, he said, promised to reimburse him later.

Appearing before the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry, Carrim testified that he agreed to make the payment on Matlala’s behalf despite misgivings, describing the transaction as a favour undertaken on the assurance that the money would be repaid.

“Matlala called to advance money to Maumela on his behalf. He said in his next payment he’d reimburse me. I needed to keep Maumela happy,” Carrim said.

He later added that fear also influenced his decision.

“I went ahead with the payment due to pressure from Matlala. I have kids and a family I have to protect. I didn’t want to get into their cross hairs,” he stated.

Carrim confirmed he ultimately paid R500,000, despite being asked to provide R750,000, to Luthaga Trading Enterprise.

Evidence before the commission showed the funds moved through companies linked to Carrim, including Ziggy and Tameez, to Luthaga Trading Enterprises.

Carrim acknowledged the paper trail but rejected any criminal intent.

“I acted in good faith, believing I was dealing with honourable people,” he said.

Evidence leader Mathew Chaskalson questioned Carrim’s familiarity with Maumela and the nature of their relationship.

Carrim replied that he had by chance bought Maumela’s residence in 2021 while looking for a house in Johannesburg with his son.

He clarified that they only met in person the following year when issues arose with the property and became friends and later worked on a business idea which required funding.

Carrim said the pair formed a venture called Chrome Core, but without a bank account, proceeds were channelled through his company.

“At the time Chrome Core didn’t have an account and any monies made from selling an asset was put into my company’s account, Ziggy. Maumela put in R56 million as an investment into the business, while I put in R55 million,” he said.

He told the commission he later repaid Maumela at his request, who said he needed to pay contractors who were building his home.

Chaskalson put it to Carrim that the financial flows resembled criminal proceeds shared among three parties, adding that Matlala and Maumela “constitute a syndicate involved in extensive tender fraud”.

He further warned that transactions between Carrim-linked entities and Luthaga Trading Enterprises “could be seen as money laundering”.

Earlier, Chaskalson stressed a separate R10 million Carrim advanced to Matlala, asking why did he get into business knowing about the Matlala allegations.

“Matlala was impressive in capacity and someone who knows what he’s doing. If he was shady, why would SAPS give him a contract?” Carrim replied.

Carrim maintained he was unaware of wrongdoing, after Chaskalson suggested he should have recognised manipulation of police systems.

He added that the scale of the police tender influenced his risk-taking.

“The R360 million linked to Matlala’s SAPS tender was what motivated me to risk R10 million of my own money,”

Chaskalson indicated the commission may recommend money laundering charges against Carrim, Matlala and Maumela, saying the transactions appeared to violate anti-racketeering laws.

Carrim rejected the allegation.

“I became entangled in a complex network of individuals and was solely conducting business activities. I refute all allegations of money laundering,” he said.

Proceedings adjourned with Carrim scheduled to continue testimony on Tuesday morning.

He was directed to return with key documents, including agreements linked to Medicare24, Chrome Core and correspondence advising Matlala to route payments through Carrim linked companies.

Meanwhile, the deadline for the commission has been extended by President Cyril Ramaphosa.

The commission is now required to submit a second interim report by 29 May and a final report upon completion of the inquiry on 31 August.

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